There Has Been A Coup In Kyrgyzstan

The president of the country got rid of his "co-president".

On February 10, 2026, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Zhaparov unexpectedly dismissed his political partner and close friend Kamchybek Tashiev from the posts of deputy prime minister and head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). Following the chief, his deputies left the committee.

In addition, the president removed the protection of top officials and key facilities from the GKNB into a separate body - the State Protection Service - and subordinated it directly to himself. What may follow these actions by Zhaparov, argues the director of the international news agency Fergana.Media Daniil Kislov.

Tashiyev and Zhaparov are not just friends, but political associates, partners in the 2020 revolution. They overthrew the previous regime together, after which Tashiyev became the president's right-hand man, heading the GKNB and effectively controlling the country's entire security bloc. Their tandem has always been based on common interests. However, under the cover of a strong friendship smoldered differences, which, to all appearances, led to the breakup.

First of all, personal ambitions and competition. Tashiev did not hide his influence: he was popular among nationalists, law enforcers and part of the elite in the south of the country. In recent years, he has increasingly behaved as an alternative center of power - publicly criticizing ministers and interfering in economic issues.

Zhaparov, who consolidated his power through constitutional changes and suppression of the opposition, began to see Tashiev as a threat - especially amid rumors that he is preparing the ground for his own presidency in 2027. In Kyrgyz politics, friendship ends where the struggle for the throne begins. Zhaparov probably decided to preemptively remove a potential rival before he gained too much weight.

Second, disagreements on key issues. Despite their common line, Tashiev and Zhaparov differed in their approaches. Tashiev was more radical: his GKNB actively "cleansed" the opposition, but also affected the interests of clans close to the president himself. On the issue of borders with Tajikistan, Tashiyev insisted on a rigid position, which resulted in conflicts and losses, while Zhaparov may have sought compromises for the sake of his international image.

There were also economic tensions: Tashiyev's anti-corruption campaigns may have affected the business interests of the president's family or his allies. Insider leaks appearing in a number of Kyrgyz Telegram channels hint at a scandal surrounding the distribution of infrastructure contracts - Tashiev allegedly blocked schemes favorable to Zhaparov's entourage. In short, it was no longer a friendship, but a forced alliance, which was bursting at the seams.

The third factor is Tashiev's health and his absence from the country. The decree caught him in Germany for treatment (according to official data, he has been there since the end of January 2026, presumably with cardiac problems), and this looks like a calculation rather than an accident. Zhaparov chose the moment when Tashiev was physically unable to resist or mobilize supporters.

This is a classic technique of authoritarian regimes - to remove an opponent while he is weak. Rumors of "poisoning" or "forced treatment" are circulating, but without evidence remain speculation. However, the fact is clear: the resignation was made in absentia, which emphasizes the haste and fear of a possible revolt within the GKNB.

At the same time, three of Tashiyev's deputies were dismissed, which speaks of a purge of the "Tashiyev" faction in the security services.

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